There have been changes in both the consciousness and life style of Japanese women in their 30’s. Nevertheless, when compared with western nations, there still remain distinctive Japanese characteristics in the division of labor by gender within the family and differences in marriage and labor trends.

In 1972, 83.7 % of Japanese women in their 30’s favored the idea that a husband should work outside the home and a wife should take care of the family. However, by 2002 this figure had sharply declined to 32.9 %. Women who oppose a strong division of labor within the family had remarkably increased from 10.8% in 1972 to 61.0% in 2002. While in 1992, 52.7 % of women in their 30’s accepted the belief that a married woman should make the care of her husband and children her first priority. By 2002, that percentage had dropped to 43.2%. These figures clearly show changes in the attitudes of women in their 30’s. Despite these changes, one in three women in their 30’s still supports a strong division of labor within the family and more than 40% think the family’s needs are more important than their own. This means that a significant percent of women still maintain a deep rooted traditional sense of family values.

By 2002, women in the work force who continue working after giving birth sharply increased to 38%.

This figure is more than three times higher than it was in 1972. When surveyed, 45.5% of women in their 30’s supported the idea of continuing to work after having a child. However, women from all age groups for the past 30 years continue to support “temporarily interrupted working” which means, women quit their jobs after giving birth and re-enter the labor force after their children have grown. As for women in their 30’s, 38.4% agree with “temporarily interrupted working.” For the reasons mentioned above, we can see an attitude in favor of a division of labor during the childrearing years.

Women’s participating in the labor force has increased from 43.9% in 1975 to 60.3 % in 2003 in the 30 to 34-year-old age group, and from 54% to 63.1% in the 35 to 39 age group. However, an “Mshaped curve in the labor force rate according to age” still remains. The 2003 rate of unmarried women in the labor force is high at 88.7% in the 30 to 34-year-old age group and 84.8% in the 35 to 39 age group. However, a large disparity exists in terms of married women’s participation in the labor force. The percent of working married women is 46.6% in the 30 to 34-year-old age group and 56% in the 35 to 39 age group. Among married women who have been in the labor force for one year before having their first child, only 32.2% go back to work in six months. In other words, Japanese women still tend to quit their jobs and become housewives when they get married or have a child. Women who choose to work after having a child are increasing, however; the majority still prefers to quit their jobs and raise their children.

The average age of the marriage has increased along with the percentage of *unmarried individuals in there 20’s and 30’s. This points to a trend towards late marriage and an increase in people not getting married at all.

The percentage of unmarried men in their 30’s and 40’s has been on the rise for the past twenty years. This trend is expected to steadily grow along with an increase in those who remain unmarried throughout their lives. The percentage of unmarried women in their late 20’s has markedly increased. However, the rate of increase is slower when looking at women in their 30’s. When comparing the increase of unmarried men and women, the rate is higher for men. In other words, women tend to get married at a much faster rate once they enter their 30’s. Therefore, it is unclear whether the rate of unmarried women will continue to increase in the future.

It is clear that the social conditions that would allow women to manage the care of a child and work have yet to be realized. The unchanged aspects of Japan’s social system are reflected in the conflicting attitudes and circumstances of women in their 30’s.

The majority of Japanese people places a high value on marriage and views it as the standard unit in society. They tend to look at marriage as a whole unit rather than a unit that can be broken down into individual parts. The three top reasons why fathers do not take any kind of child-care leave from their jobs are “unnecessary time off,” “inconvenient to the father’s job,” and “financial difficulties without the father’s salary.” These reasons tell us that many men and women do not have a sense of individual rights and responsibilities for fathers within the household other than the traditional obligation that men are to care for the family economically. These families appear willing to accept their social circumstances and adjust to them rather than attempt any sort of reform or change.

Can we expect large scale social changes in Japan? Reforms in the system have been slow but are expected to continue into the future. It is recognized that, due to the realities of a declining birthrate and an increasingly elderly population, changes need to continue so that women can have the opportunities to utilize their skills. However, it is unclear whether these changes and reforms will bring about a gender-neutral society that places the individual as the standard unit.

Statistical data regarding gender consciousness in men and women shows that the younger individuals are, the less they accept traditional gender roles. For example, the percentage of those whose ideal lifestyle is one that is compatible with housework and office work, or continuing to work after marriage, is higher in younger groups, as the chart indicates. These younger individuals may press for social reforms that would allow them to realize a lifestyle that accommodates both home and work or accept their social circumstances and adjust to them as is the present social trend. It is unclear how the values of younger men and women might affect social trends in Japan.